Impact of the environment to human behavior Essay

Impact of the environment to human behavior - Essay Example Environment is a vital component to the development of individuals’ behavior living in distinguished areas. People develop some traits through exposure to culture of the evolving world.This paper entails information concerning the basis of human behavior in various communities. Much of the information relates to that of Gladwell and Jean Twenge. The study further denotes the environmental theory of human behavior by Gladwell in relation to individuals having a better understanding of their real selves and environmental triggers.Finally, the study looks down to establish how individuals understand themselves and environmental triggers through the human behavioral theory. The Power of Context by Malcolm Gladwell In the power of context, Gladwell states the root of shaping behavior of individuals. The culture people grow in determines their (individuals) success in their lives1. It is clear that the development of individual behavior begins at the early ages. The environment of s everal individuals at a childhood level is the primary determinant of the behavior that they exhibit at adulthood stage. Gladwell asserts that what people in the community instill in the younger generation is significant in what they grow to be and believe. An army of one: me by Jean Twenge Twenge looks much into the modern generation and refers the generation to as Generation Y. â€Å"An army of one: me† is a slogan, which denotes individuals assertive character2.Individuals try to adopt such behaviors of present day activities and deviant techniques used by particular characters. For instance, some youths view some of the artists as their role models. This is of great impact in that such youths end up exhibiting odd actions (especially those done by the artists). This becomes difficult especially for parents aiming at imposing good morals in their children. Most of the individuals under this generation focus on their personal interests. The slogan helps individuals develop better ways of living with individuals from other societies. The relationship between the Power of Context and An army of one: me Both Gladwell and Twenge had several segments in common. This results from the subject of their main argument. For instance, both had a concern on the behavior of individuals in various societies. Secondly, they deepened their thoughts to the impact of the environment on the behavior of individuals. In addition, Gladwell and Twenge depicted the result of an environmental changed behavior. This involves a change in the way individuals show respect to others, undertake tasks, and have interest regarding their culture. Learning about human behavior and the environment is important for individuals to be assertive in order to avoid much effect caused by the environment. Gladwell’s environmental theory of human behavior The Tipping Point is the theory by Gladwell and has a concern on the effects of social media on the behavior of particular individuals. This involves such things as, television, internet access devices such as personal computers and laptops. Communication and access of information through internet access helps children learn about other cultures. As noted, the internet changes much of what people know about their culture. The internet use makes users to adjust to the desires of other individuals3 . This leads to a desire to practice some of what they see done by people from other communities. Children do what they have seen parents do and inhibit what other non-family members offer or suggest. Therefore, parents should ensure that their actions towards children are in a manner that will depict good manners. Behavior through politics depends on the reason why various people get involved in a political environment. This helps individuals to have a change in the way they approach or handle difficult situations. The behavior of individuals largely depends on the behavior of

Sport Scale Essay Example for Free

Sport Scale Essay ABSTRACT The primary purpose of this study was to develop a valid and reliable instrument to assess sport fan motivation. Also, the new measure was employed to examine the relationship between sport fan motivation and ethnic identity. One hundred sixty nine college students from two southeastern institutions participated in this study. Data were analyzed using exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis, Bivariate correlation, t test, ANOVA, and descriptive statistics. The Fan Motivation Scale (FMS), developed in this study, consisted of six components with 22 items. The number of items under every component range from 5 to 2 items (quality of the game 4 items, escape 5 items, boredom avoidance 5 items, social 3 items, entertainment 3 items, and sport atmosphere 2 items). In addition, two hypotheses were tested in the current study. The first hypothesis was that ethnic identity is positively related to sport fan motivation. The second hypothesis assumed that there was a difference between African Americans and European Americans in their ethnic identity. The results revealed the FMS is a reliable measure with an overall alpha score of 0.90. Significant differences were found between participants in the total FMS and some of the subscales based on gender and ethnicity. However, the outcomes of the samples examined in this study do not support the first hypothesis. Therefore, no significant relationship was found between sport fan motivation and ethnic identity. Regarding the second hypothesis, a significant difference was found between African Americans and European Americans in their ethnic identity. vii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Sports have become an increasingly important part of our society. Sports fans represent a significant percentage of sport consumers, because 70 percent or more of Americans watch, read, or discuss sports at least once a day (Iso-Ahola Hatfield, 1986). From 1985 to 1998, attendance has significantly increased at the four major sports in the United States. Major League Baseball (MLB) had the largest increase in the number of people attending games (24. 2 million, a 50% increase), followed by professional basketball (10. 3 million, a 89% increase), professional football (5.7 million, a 40% increase), and professional hockey (5. 6 million, a 49% increase). The number of people attending college sporting events has also increased during this time period (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000). Additionally, more television programming time is being devoted to sporting events. The ESPN was the fifth highest ranked television network in 2000, in terms of revenue, it was estimated to be $2. 1 billion (McAvoy, 2000). With the increase of interest in sports has become an increased interest of sports fans as consumers. Sport teams and companies are very interested in attracting as many consumers as possible to purchase game tickets or products. Therefore, sport marketers should acknowledge the factors that drive fans to follow sport by attending, watching on television, or purchasing products. However, understanding the notion of sports fans is not simple because their attitudes and behaviors are not determined by a single motive or factor but rather occur for a variety of reasons (Mashiach, 1980). Statement of the Problem There has been a growing interest in the study of sport fan motivations in recent years to better understand fan behaviors (Bilyeu Wann, 2002; Funk, Mahony, Nakazawa, Hirakawa, 2001; Funk, Mahony Ridinger, 2002; Funk, Ridinger, Moorman, 2003; Gantz, 1981; Kahle, Kambara, Rose, 1996; Lee, 2002; Mahony, Nakazawa, Funk, James, Gladden, 2002; Pease Zhang, 2001; Trail James, 2001; Wann, 1995; Wann, Bilyeu, Brennan, Osborn Gambouras, 1999; Wann, Brewer, 1 Royalty, 1999; Wann, Schrader Wilson, 1999). Some of these studies have introduced measures of different consumption motives of sport fans. In addition, researchers have examined the relationship between fan motivation and other variables such as team identification, involvement, gender, and race. The measures used in previous studies to assess fan motivations vary in length and number of components. However, some of the components are used in all or most scales such as the entertainment component, the family component, and the friends component. They also share very similar items with regard to similar components. Items used in most previous scales often begin with the words â€Å"I like†, â€Å"I enjoy†, or â€Å"I feel† which raises a validity issue for the measures because the aforementioned words represent satisfaction and attitude rather than motivation. Fan satisfaction relates to the happiness and pleasure associated with the outcome of a sporting event while fan attitude represents the opinion and feelings an individual has about a sport team or sporting event. On the other hand, sport fan motivation refers to the reasons that drive individuals to support sport teams, be loyal to them, buy team/sport related products, watch and attend sporting events. The Purpose of the Study The purpose of this study was to develop a valid and reliable instrument to assess sport fan motives. Also, the new measure was utilized to examine the relationship between fan motivation and ethnic identity. The Conceptual Framework The conceptual framework of this study includes the discussion of two concepts. First, the Fan Motivation Scale and its content will be introduced. Second, the notion of ethnic identity and why it should be correlated with sport fan motivation will be presented. The prior research (Wann, 1995; Funk, Mahony, Nakazawa, Hirakawa, 2001; Bilyeu Wann, 2002) identified various motives that could drive fans to attend sporting events. Some of these motives are related to personal needs (entertainment and financial 2 gain), social needs (bonding with family and group affiliation), and psychological needs (self-esteem and achievement). In attempt to measure the motives of sport fans, the researchers introduced different scales. These scales comprised different number of motives ranging from 7 motives with 16 items to 18 motives with 54 items. The length of some of the scales was not the only problem. The major concern for previous scales is in the content validity, the extent to which items used in the scale accurately represent fan motives. In fact, all previous scales included items that are more related to attitude and satisfaction then motivation. The reason for this problem is the lack of clear definition of sport fan motivation. The current study is going to view sport fan motivation as the reasons that drive individuals to support sport teams, be loyal to them, purchase team/sport related products, watch and attend sporting events. In addition, this study will employ a review of related literature and the prior effort made on fan motivation scales to develop valid and reliable measures of sport fan motivation. The proposed Fan Motivation Scale (FMS) will measure six motives: social, entertainment, escape, aesthetic, psychological, and amotivation. The social motive assesses the extent to which individuals participate in sporting events as spectators because they desire to spend time with their families (Gantz, 1981; Wann, 1995). Also, to some individuals, group affiliation is an important motivation of being a sport fan. Sport spectating provides a fan with opportunities to share time with others who enjoy the same activities. A fan may want to keep contact with a group of fans and seek refuge from a feeling of alienation (Branscombe Wann, 1991; Smith, 1988; Wann, 1995). The entertainment motive includes items that represent the desire of some individuals to have a good time and enjoy the excitement associated with sporting events. Some fans might enjoy a sport because of its entertainment value. Sport spectating provides fans with leisure pastime activities similar to watching movies or television. One advantage of sport spectating is that few special skills, if any, are required (Zillmann, Bryant Sapolsky, 1989; Wann, 1995). The escape motive of sport fans assesses the desire of sport fans to escape or diverge from their everyday lives. Attending a sporting event gives many people an 3 opportunity to temporarily forget about their troubling, dissatisfying, or boring lives (Smith, 1988; Lever Wheeler, 1984; Wann, Schrader Wilson, 1999). The aesthetic motive of sport fans appeals to those that are motivated by the aesthetic value of the sport. Some fans enjoy sports because of the competition between highly skilled athletes. The beauty, grace, and other artistic characteristics make some people enjoy sporting events (Milne McDonald, 1999; Wann, 1995). The psychological motive is a factor that motivates sports fans and gives them a feeling of accomplishment and achievement when the fans’ favorite team or player is successful. Sports fans tend to associate themselves with a successful team or player in order to create and sustain a positive self-concept (Branscombe Wann, 1991; Milne McDonald, 1999; Sloan, 1989). Amotivation refers to the state of lacking an intention to act. When amotivated, individual’s action lacks intentionality and a sense of personal causation (Ryan Deci, 2000). Amotivation results from not valuing an activity (Ryan, 1995), not feeling competent to do it (Deci, 1975), or not believing it will yield a desired outcome (Seligman, 1975). Some individuals might go to sport events and watch sport games because they have nothing else to do, bored, and want to kill time. These types of reasons had been neglected in previous studies of sport fan motivation. As mentioned earlier, prior research has examined the relationship between fan motivations and other variables such as sport involvement, team identification, and some demographic factors of selected sport fans. However, the ethnic identity of sport fans has been ignored in the literature. It might be assumed by some researchers that the race factor is enough representation of an individual’s ethnic background. It is, however, only part of the concept. Ethnic identity is defined as â€Å"a process of coming to terms with one’s ethnic-racial membership group as a salient reference group† (Smith, 1991, p. 182). Smith (1991) defined an ethnic group as â€Å"a reference group called upon by people who share a common history and culture† (p. 181). According to Gordon (1985), culture influences our social standards, values, cognitions, social perceptions, attributions, feelings, and sources of motivation. Individuals develop their ethnic identity through their social interaction with others. Through their interactions they begin to view themselves as others view them 4 (Stryker, 1980). Ethnic identity is viewed as part of social identity and it was defined by Tajfel (1981) as â€Å"that part of an individual’s self-concept which derives from his knowledge of his membership of a social group (or groups) together with the value and emotional significance attached to that membership† (p.255). An ethnic group is composed of a number of individuals who share a sense of group identity based on their unique culture, which include values, morals, and various customs, as well as shared origins. In the larger society, ethnic groups tend to maintain a sense of peoplehood (Dublin, 1996; Kornblum Janowitz, 1974; Portes, 1996). Forty years ago, Tumin (1964) defined an ethnic group as â€Å"a social group which, within a large cultural and social system, claims or is accorded special status in terms of complexity of traits which it exhibits or is believed to exhibit† (p.123). Distinguishing between ethnic groups is not always simple. Some ethnic minorities, such as African Americans, may have obvious physical differences that set them apart from other ethnic groups within the United States, but many biracial individuals present an ambiguity because they belong to two or more ethnic groups, which makes ethnicity a subjective construct (Root, 1992). Studying ethnic identity is very important because it is the foundation for what an individual believes about himself or herself. Given the significance of ethnic identity, many researchers have been studying this construct. Phinney (1990) reviewed 70 studies of ethnic identity published between 1972 and 1990. She found that most of the studies have used one of three theoretical frameworks to examine ethnic identity. The first framework is the social identity theory which ethnic identity is considered a component of social identity. Social theory refers to the need for an individual to be a member of a group that provides him or her with a sense of belonging that contributes to a positive self-concept. The second framework is the acculturation prospective. The concept of acculturation refers to changes in the cultural attitudes, value, and behaviors that result from interactions between two distinct cultures (Berry, Trimble, Olmedo, 1986). These kinds of changes are normally the concern of a group of individuals, and how it relates to the dominant or host society. Ethnic identity can be an aspect of acculturation in which the focus is on the individuals and how they relate to their own group as a subgroup of the larger society (Phinney, 1990). The third framework is developmental framework, where ethnic identity is viewed as a process by which people construct their ethnicity. 5 Erikson (1968) indicated that identity is the outcome of a period of exploration and experimentation that normally takes place during adolescence and leads to a decision of commitment in various areas, such as occupation, and religion. This view of ethnic identity suggests age as a factor is strongly related to developing one’s ethnic identity (Phinney, 1990). Phinney (1990) mentioned that most studies have focused on certain components of ethnic identity. These components include self-identification as a group member, a sense of belonging to the group, attitudes about one’s group membership, and ethnic involvement (social participation, cultural practices and attitudes). Self-identification represents the ethnic label that one uses for oneself. The ability of children to label themselves with the right ethnic group was the addressed in a study by Aboud (187). Another issue was the relationship between incorrect labeling and poor self-concept (Cross, 1978). Adults are expected to know their ethnicity but the issue is what label one chooses to use for himself or herself. However, some ethnic groups have a little choice in what ethnic title they can use for themselves often because of their distinctive skin color or culture (language, dresses, customs, etc. ) which distinguishes them from other groups. Additionally, some individuals have two or more ethnic backgrounds and they identify themselves as members of more than one group. Ethnic self-identification is an important but complex component of ethnic identity (Phinney, 1990). The feeling of belonging to one’s own group is an important element of ethnic identity. Some researchers have tried to assess the sense of belonging by either asking people how strong was their relationship with their groups or how separate they feel from other groups (Driedger, 1976). Members of every ethnic group can have positive or negative attitudes toward their own group. Some of the positive attitudes related were pride in and pleasure, satisfaction, and contentment with one’s group (Phinney, 1990). Negative attitudes include dissatisfaction, displeasure, discontentment, and a desire to hide ones identity (Driedger, 1976). People who display no positive attitudes or express negative attitudes can be seen as denying their ethnic identity (Phinney, 1990). In addition, the involvement in the social life and cultural practices of one’s ethnic group is considered a strong indicator of one’s ethnic identity. The social and cultural practices 6 that represent the involvement component include language, friendship, social organizations, religion, cultural traditions, and politics (Phinney, 1990). Phinney (1992) developed the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) with the purpose of assessing ethnic identity among various ethnic groups. The scale was designed to measure three components of ethnic identity: affirmation and belonging, ethnic identity achievement, and ethnic behaviors. Roberts, Phinney, Masse, Chen, Roberts, and Romero (1999) examined the validity of the MEIM and conducted factor analysis with a large sample. The outcomes suggest that the scale measures two components of ethnic identity: ethnic identity search and affirmation, belonging, and commitment. Ethnic identity search refers to a developmental and cognitive component. Affirmation, belonging, and commitment represent the affective component. However, the scale has been proven to be a valid and reliable measurement and it will be used in the context of this study. More discussion of the scale is provided in the method section. Researchers have indicated that positive relationships do exist between ethnic identity and self-esteem, self-concept, psychological well-being, achievement, and satisfaction (Phinney, 1992; Roberts et al. , 1999; Delworth, 1989). However, it is the purpose of this study to examine the relationship between ethnic identity and motivations of sport fans. According to Phinney (1990) some studies have used sport as a cultural item to measure ethnic identity. Pons, Laroche, Nyeck, and Perreault (2001) indicated that the choice of a particular sporting event represents a strong cultural meaning for the individual. Some ethnic groups tend to identify with a specific sport, for example, soccer in the Italian community and hockey among the French Canadian. Pons et al. , (2001) stated â€Å"ethnic groups do not all react to sporting events in the same way; they differ in the means and the pace of their integration into the host culture† (p.238). African American consumers tend to attend historically Black college/university sports more frequently than they did any other sport. The level of ethnic identification of African American fans has significant affect on their attendance frequency to historically Black college/university sports (Armstrong, 2002). Moreover, previous studies showed differences in motivation between African American and European American sport fans based on ethnicity (Wann, Bilyeu, Brennan, Osborn, Gambouras, 1999; Bilyeu Wann, 2002; Armstrong, 2002). 7Ã'Ž Therefore, it is expected that there is a relationship between sport fans’ motivation and ethnic identity. Research Hypotheses H1: Ethnic identity is positively related to sport fan motivations. H2: There is a difference between African American and European American in their ethnic identity. Operational Definitions Ethnic Identity: â€Å"part of an individual’s self-concept that derives from his or her knowledge of membership in a social group (or groups) together with the value and emotional significance attached to that membership† (Phinney, 1992, p.156). Sport fan: refers to someone who is enthusiastic about a particular sport team or athlete (Wann, 1995). Sport fan motivation: refers to the reasons that drive individuals to support sport teams, be loyal to them, buy team/sport related products, watch and attend sporting events. Delimitations This study is delimitated to: 1. Investigate the ethnic identity and motivations of sport fans in general. For that reason, no specific group of fans (i. e. , basketball fans, football fans) was examined. 2. The student at Florida State University (FSU) and Florida Agriculture and Mechanical University (FAMU), therefore, the findings cannot be generalized to populations other than the population from which the sample was drawn. 8 Limitations This study is limited to the following: 1. The outcome of this study depends on the participants’ honesty and cooperation in answering the questions. 2. Due to the nature of this study as self-administrated surveys, the researcher’s access is limited to the classes gained via permission to attend and meet. Assumptions This study is based on the following assumptions: 1. The surveys used in this study are clear and understandable for the participants. 2. The participants will answer the questions honestly and accurately. 3. The surveys are valid and reliable. Significance of the Study The sport marketers are in a high competition within the sport industry and also with outside competitors. Young generations are attracted through technology to new types of entertainment such as computer/video games and the X-Games. â€Å"These new entertainment options have already attracted a significant amount of attention from the so -called X-generation† (Kwon Trail, 2003, p. 1). Therefore, sport marketers should be concern about the future of the sport industry. In order for sport marketers to maintain their consumer base and to attract young generation, they should explore and examine the consuming behavior of sport fans and the factors that might influence their behavior. According to Gramann and Allison (1999), â€Å"the increase in the ethnic diversity of North America is one of the most powerful demographic forces shaping U. S. and Canadian society† (p. 283). Therefore, studying ethnic identity as an important social characteristic of sport fans is important to sport marketers. The importance of studying ethnic groups among sport fans is reflected by the increasing percentage of minority participation in professional sport, especially African American. African American athletes represent 25 to 75 percent of athletes on the rosters for the three popular sports (baseball, basketball, football) (Gano-Overway Duda, 2001). 9 The goal of this study was to introduce a new measure of fan motivation which will assist practitioners in the sport industry to understanding the driving factors for sport fans to attend sporting events, support sport teams, or buy team/sport related products. Also, the relationship between motivations and ethnic identity of sport fans was examined. The outcome of the study should provide practitioners with valuable information to assist them in understanding the various motives of sport fans based on their ethnic identity. Therefore, sport marketers should be able to improve their plans and strategies to maintain their fan base and fulfill the desires for their target market. 10 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW The purpose of this chapter is to review the literature on ethnic identity and motivation of sport fans. It should be noted that to date, no research has combined and analyzed the interaction of the two identified variables. As such, the first section of this chapter focuses on the research that has been done on the ethnic identity of sport fans. The second section discusses motives of sport fans as well as scales that have been used to assess these motives. Ethnic Identity and Sport Fans Ethnicity as social and cultural characteristic of sport fans has been ignored in the literature although the race factor, which is the physical aspect of ethnicity, has been utilized for comparison between ethnic groups. However, Armstrong (2002) examined the influence of ethnic identification on Black consumers’ attendance at historically Black college/university (HBCU) sports. To assess ethnic identification, Armstrong used a self-report measure in which participants were asked to identify their ethnic group based on ethnic categories (Black/African American, Caucasian, Hispanic, Asian, and â€Å"other†) and to rate the intensity of their identification with their ethnic group on a scale from 1 (weak) to 5 (very strong). The hypothesis was that the identification of Black consumers with their ethnic group would have a significant influence on their attendance frequency at HBCU sport events. The findings offered support for the hypothesis indicating a positive relationship between ethnic identification and attendance frequency. In another study, Armstrong (2000) examined the influence of ethnic identification on African American students’ processing of persuasive sport communications (i. e. , advertisement, promotional messages, developmental campaigns, and announcements). The ethnic identification of the respondents was measured using a 13-item scale developed by Whittler, Calatone, and Young (1991). The scale assesses two major factors of ethnic identification (cross-race attraction and political and social 11 relations among Blacks). The outcome of the study revealed that ethnic identification has an effect on participants’ reaction to racial heuristics in the communication. African American consumers are more likely to have a positive reaction to a persuasive communication if the message were culturally relevant and delivered by a Black spokesperson. Pons et al. (2001) looked at the impact ethnic identity could have on the consumption behavior and orientation of sport consumers. They measured language (3 items), religion (3 items), and social participation with one’s own ethnic group (6 items) as three dimensions of ethnic identity. The orientation of sport consumers has three dimensions. The first dimension refers to sporting events as a provider of sensations in which consumers have an emotional attachment to the event or the product. The second dimension represents individuals’ need to understand the sporting event, which lead to better appreciation for the event. The third dimension of orientation toward sporting event refers to the socialization opportunities presented for sport consumers. The consumption behaviors include purchase of sporting good, tickets, and time devoted to sporting events. The results offered support for the idea that ethnic identity has a positive impact on the consumption and orientation of sport consumers. In regard to the race of sport consumers as part of their ethnicity, researchers have found a difference between Blacks and Whites concerning their sport involvement (Spreitzer Snyder, 1990). Sport involvement included seven dimensions â€Å"watching sports on television, listening to sport on the radio, reading the sport pages of the newspaper, watching/listening to sports news on radio/television, reading sports books, reading sports magazines, and talking about sports with friends† (Spreitzer Snyder, 1990, p. 51). The findings revealed significant effect of race on sport involvement regardless of respondents’ social background characteristics (i. e. , age, sex, education, income, town size). Blacks tend to be more involved in sport than Whites. The authors argued that the findings reflect a distinctive subculture within the black community. Rudman (1986) examined the relationship between race, social structure, and sport orientations. The main goal of the study was to see whether factors that affect sport orientations are race-dependant. The results showed Blacks to be more likely than Whites to become vicariously involved in sport outcomes and to incorporate sport into their daily 12 lives. Based on the overall analyses, the author argued that social and economic conditions provide a better explanation of differences in sport orientations. He used the term â€Å"culture of poverty† to indicate that socioeconomic positions are more likely to make boor blacks and boor whites see sport as an opportunity to enhance social prestige and economic position. At the college level, Armstrong (2001) examined ethnic minority students’ consumption of college sport events. The ethnic minorities included African Americans, Asians, Hispanics, and â€Å"Others†. She looked at the degree of ethnic minority students’ interest in sport spectating, the frequency in which they attend university sponsored sport events, and the factors that influence their decision to attend campus sport events. Eight factors were tested to see their influence on the students’ attendance. The factors are the price of the tickets, academic commitment, significant others, friends, watching the event on television, the option to spend money on other things, not knowing when tickets are available, the quality of the opponent. The factors identified had no significant influence on students’ attendance. The findings indicate that ethnic minority students generally had a favorable attitude towards sport spectating. However, about 44% of the student stated that they never attend a campus sport event, 41% stated that they seldom attended, and 15% have attended often. The author contended that minority students had a favorable attitude toward sport spectating but they never or seldom attend sport events on campus because they view these events as directed to a specific group (i.e. , dominant ethnic group). For minority students to be motivated to attend, the sport event has to be socially and culturally relevant to the students’ ethnic background. In professional sport, Zhang, Pease, Hui, Michaud (1995) and Zhang, Pease, Smith, Lee, Lam, Jambor (1997) indicated that factors such as game promotions, amenities, and schedule convenience influenced ethnic minorities’ attendance differently and more significantly than they did Whites’. Therefore, sport marketers should emphasize the sociocultural factors (i. e., offering different ethnic foods at the concession stands, playing different ethnic music, making announcement in different languages) in promoting sport consumption of ethnic minority consumers (Armstrong, 2001; Hofacre Burman, 1992; McCarthy Stillman, 1998). 13 In a direct connection to the current investigation, previous studies have found differences on the motivations of sport fans based on ethnicity. Wann, Bilyeu, Brennan, Osborn, Gambouras (1999) investigated the relationship between sport fans’ motivation and race. A sample of 65 Euro-Americans and 32 African Americans completed the Sport Fan Motivation Scale (SFMS). The SFMS, developed by Wann (1995), includes eight motivational factors (eustress, self-esteem benefit, diversion from everyday life, entertainment value, economic value, aesthetic value, need for affiliation, and family needs). The findings indicated that Euro-Americans reported higher motivation than African Americans. The authors argued that certain motives might be applicable to only a subset of races. In a recent study, Bilyeu and Wann (2002) examined the racial differences in sport fan motivation between African Americans and European Americans. First, 50 African American participants completed a demographic questionnaire and an interview with the researcher to discuss their motives for being a sport fan. Second, the motives discovered from the interviews were sent to African American psychologists and sociologists for validation. Third, the new motives were added to the SFMS, then the African American and European American participants were asked to complete the SFMS. The findings suggested that three new factors be added to the SFMS: â€Å"representation (e. g. , people of the same background), similarity (e. g., people they have things in common with), and support/perceived greater equality (e. g. , people they want to succeed)† (Bilyeu Wann, 2002, p. 93). Armstrong (2002) indicated that previous investigations of motivation for sport consumption were not applicable to Black consumers because the samples used in these investigations were predominantly White. Therefore, she added a cultural affiliation motive to the SFMS, developed by Wann (1995), and administered it to a sample of only Black consumers of sport. The findings supported the hypotheses that cultural affiliation is a viable motive for Black’s sport consumption. In addition, the factor structure of the SFMS with the inclusion of the cultural affiliation motive differed from previous studies (Wann, 1995; Wann, Schrader, Wilson, 1999). Therefore, the Black Consumer’ Sport Motivation Scale (BCSMS) was introduced including the following factors: eustress, group recreation, aesthetics, cultural affiliation, group entertainment, escape, and 14 personal (economic/psychological) investment. At the conclusion of the study, the author stated, â€Å"behaviors and motives related to sport consumption may also be influenced by the social and psychological manifestations of culture† (Armstrong, 2002, p.329). In summary, although research on ethnic identity for sport fans is very limited, a strong relationship was found between sport consumers’ ethnic identity and sport consumption and orientation. Also, the differences found on the motivations for sport fans based on ethnicity, should indicate a strong relationship between sport fans’ motivation and ethnic identity. However, it is the goal of this investigation to examine this relationship.

English Essays Pride and Prejudice

English Essays Pride and Prejudice Introduction Jane Austens much loved novel Pride and Prejudice was first published in 1813 at a time when family relationships in Britain were governed by rather rigid societal rules. Male and female roles were very clearly defined, and in the more wealthy families in particular, great effort was spent on maintaining moral respectability and financial security. This essay examines the various ways that Jane Austen depicts the related topics of love and marriage in the novel. It explores both the pressures upon different characters to behave in certain traditional ways, and the choices which are open to them, and explains how the author cleverly steers the reader towards an understanding of love and marriage which challenges some of the prejudices of her time. The traditional marriage of convenience The novel opens with a comic scene in which the mature married couple Mr and Mrs Bennet discuss the arrival of a new neighbour, Mr Bingley. It is clear from the start that the society in which the novel takes place is rather refined, since the house in question is called Netherfield Park and Mr Bingley is described as a young man of large fortune from the north of England (Austen, 1918, p. 1). The conversation is dominated by Mrs Bennet, who holds forth on the exciting prospect that this new neighbour might fall in love with one of their five daughters, while Mr Bennet exhibits a long-suffering tolerance of his wifes domestic chatter. The narrator maintains an ironic distance from the two speakers, illustrating Mr Bennets lack of comprehension for the social niceties of formal visits, and Mrs Bennets lack of comprehension of her husbands character: She was a woman of mean understanding, little information, and uncertain temper (Austen, 1918, p. 4) whose main focus in life was to find a husband for her five daughters. This introductory chapter serves as a vignette of traditional marriage in upper class British society at the start of the nineteenth century since the Bennets belong to the ruling class by virtue of income, residence and manners (Downie, 2006), even though some critics such as Tuite (2002) persist in classifying Austens characters as bourgeois. According to Zimmerman (1968, p. 66) these two characters embody the salient qualities implied by the title of the novel: Mr. Bennet exhibits the detachment of pride and Mrs. Bennet the total involvement of prejudice. Greenfield (2002, p. 149) has more understanding for Mrs. Bennets obsessions, describing her as being plagued by realistic concerns about womens economic disadvantages. This means, in effect, that they are in many ways opposites, since the husband is clever, urbane and often silent, while the wife is rather foolish, provincial and prone to engage in gossip at very available opportunity. The pair appear to have found an accommodation with each other, but they are clearly not at all well matched in terms of their character, interests or intelligence. The family is clearly of modest means, and it is the dilemma of finding a suitable husband for all five girls which sets up the starting point for the rest of the novel. After setting the scene through this entertaining dialogue in the Bennet sitting room, the author then proceeds to introduce a series of characters and trace their different approaches to the resolution of this fundamental problem. One potential suitor presents himself in the form of the clergyman Mr Collins. He is first mentioned by Mr Bennet as a gentleman and a stranger (Austen, 1918, p. 62), whom he has invited to dine with the family. Significantly this news is greeted first with excitement, since these qualities might make him a suitable match for one of the daughters, and then horror, since it turns out that he is due to acquire through the legal process of entailment, the family home upon the death of Mr Bennet, thus giving him power over the fate of the rest of the family (Macpherson, 2003). The somewhat pompous Mr Collins comes with the express intention of marrying one of the five sisters. He is interested in Jane, the eldest and most beautiful sister, and a deal is struck between himself and Mrs Bennet that he should concentrate on the second daughter, Elizabeth, since the eldest daughter is already spoken for. The narrator indicates the business nature of this transaction with an ironic reference to the speed with which he agrees to change his mind and the indifference which he and Mrs. Bennet have for the feelings of the young women in question: Mr. Collins had only to change from Jane to Elizabeth and it was soon done done while Mrs. Bennet was stirring the fire (Austen, 1918, p. 72). Love plays no part in this transaction, and so the proposed marriage between Mr. Collins and Elizabeth is set to mirror the traditional fate of her parents. The two individuals would have little in common when they start out married life, and it would be their task to make their marriage of convenience work. In the event, however, this plan is thwarted by Elizabeths spirited refusal of the proposal from Mr. Collins, an act which her mother calls her own perverseness (Austen, 1918, p. 145). It is Elizabeths older friend, Charlotte Lucas, who steps into the role of suitable wife for the faintly ridiculous Mr. Collins. Perhaps because she sees her own chances of marriage fading, Charlotte herself is convinced of the primary importance of finding a good match, regardless of how one might feel about the person. She is convinced of the value of obtaining a respectable and at least moderately wealthy husband, since she discusses the blossoming relationship between Mr. Bingley and Jane Bennet somewhat wistfully with the words Happiness in marriage is entirely a matter of chance (Austen, 1918, p. 21). One critic astutely highlights the bitter compromise that Charlotte Lucass marriage to Mr. Collins represents: the pathos of Charlottes marriage is that, because of her intelligence, her ignorance must be a pretense (Weinsheimer, 1972, p. 408). This is the price that many women had to pay in order to obtain material security and social respectability in early nineteenth century Britain. Marriage for love A very different type of marital relationship is modelled in the novel by the eldest Bennet sister Jane and her suitor Mr. Bingley. From the very beginning it is clear that they love and admire each other. Jane, as the eldest of the Bennet sisters, is assumed to be the first to marry, and her extraordinary beauty and even temperament make her an obvious choice for the wealthy Mr. Bingley. He is attracted to her for reasons that might appear to be rather superficial in the first instance. She does not have much money, but she has other advantages. Mr. Darcy and Mr. Bingley are both impressed by her appearance, since Darcy refers to her as the only handsome girl in the room and Mr. Bingley replies that she is the most beautiful creature I ever beheld (Austen, 1918, p. 10). Young women who are in possession of great beauty are, in the world of Jane Austen, usually well placed in the marriage stakes. It also helps that Jane is submissive and calm, unlike her more assertive sister Elizabeth, who does not attract nearly so many admiring glances from the men. Assured of her comfortable marriage based on mutual love, Jane firmly believes in the importance of affection in marriage, and advises Elizabeth to consider this matter very carefully before committing to marry Mr. Darcy: Oh, Lizzy! Do anything rather than marry without affection. Are you quite sure that you what you ought to do? (Austen, 1918, p. 385). The relationship between Jane and Charles Bingley is presented as something easy and natural, as they attend various social functions and gradually get to know each other. By happy coincidence Mr. Bingley has a suitably large fortune, and the Bennet parents are happy to see their eldest daughter marry such a gentle and even-tempered man. Marriage for love is thus presented as something idyllic, but rather rare, and only achievable when circumstances happen to arrange themselves in propitious ways. It is only imaginable as an outcome for Jane, for example, since all of the other Bennet sisters have characteristics which make them less than suitable for such a marriage: Mary is too plain, Lizzy and Lydia are too headstrong, and Kitty is too young to attract the attention of the highly suitable but ultimately rather dull Mr. Bingley. This marriage proves the point that in early nineteenth century Britain, happiness in marriage is a matter of chance, although it can sometimes make both parties very happy. Illicit love True love is evident also in the relationship between sixteen year old Lydia and the dashing officer Mr. Wickham. In this case, however, there is consternation within the family when it is discovered that the two have disappeared together, without first completing the mandatory social formalities of courtship, parental approval, engagement and marriage. There are two dimensions to the problem posed by Lydia and Wickhams love: the first is moral, and the second is social. The moral issue derives from the Christian value of obligatory chastity before marriage. The self-righteous Mr. Collins writes an odious letter to Mr. Bennet, condemning Lydias character and advising the poor man to throw off your unworthy child from your affection for ever, and leave her to reap the fruits of her own heinous offence (Austen, 1918, p. 304). He even goes so far as to say the death of your daughter would have been a blessing in comparison of this (Austen, 1918, p. 304). Writing a century later one critic endorses at least some of the moral outrage that is expressed in the novel, but suggests also that there might be a more charitable motivation for Lydias behaviour: There is something absolute in her selfish recklessness, her reckless pursuit of her own pleasure without the least regard not only to others but even to herself he contributes to her comfort and enables her to realize her quite childish ideal of worldly importance as a married woman (Howells, 1918, p. xv). It seems that in her rush to achieve the status of a married women, Lydia forgets her duty to her parents and sisters and most seriously of all, puts her own future at risk by breaking all the rules designed to preserve her own value as a respectable woman. If Mr. Darcy had not stepped in to ensure that the roguish Mr. Wickham then things would have ended very badly indeed. While Elizabeth Bennet has some sympathy for her sisters folly, Mary Bennet spells out the awful consequences: Unhappy as the event must be for Lydia, we may draw from it this useful lesson: that loss of virtue in a female is irretrievable that one false step involves her in endless ruin that her reputation is no less brittle than it is beautiful (Austen, 1918, p. 295). These sentiments reflect the harsh moral code of the times, the expectations of the community (Deresiewicz, 1997) and incidentally also the double standard that allows men all sorts of indiscretions but judges women by a single instance of immoral conduct. The second problem that Lydias elopement causes is a social one. The scandal caused by one sister will automatically have a detrimental effect on the reputation of the whole family, including the other sisters. It is no coincidence that this disaster is averted by the actions of a wealthy and powerful male: Mr. Darcy. In this period women did not have the right to decide upon their own fate, and they were dependent upon the actions of fathers, brothers, husbands, or in this case, husbands-to-be. By stepping in to aid the family, Mr. Darcy presents himself in the role of dashing hero. Elizabeth Bennet, who herself would no doubt be too proud to accept acts of charity on her own behalf, is bound to be mightily impressed by her suitors gallant behaviour. In this period women did not have the freedom to engage in communications that would increase their wealth or power, since meetings with the opposite sex were strictly chaperoned, and there was even an unwritten rule which forbade correspondence between marriageable persons not engaged to be married (Le Faye, 2002, p. 114). The author uses this critical incident to turn the readers attention towards the increasing likelihood of a match between Elizabeth Bennet and the dark and difficult Mr. Darcy. The ideal marriage The relationship which takes central place in the novel is that between Elizabeth Bennet and Mr. Darcy. A great deal of suspense is created through the initial animosity that is expressed between the two, and the growing attraction that they experience towards each other. Several of the minor characters, including the haughty Lady Catherine de Bourgh, seem to think that Elizabeth is not a suitable match for Mr. Darcy because of her relative poverty, her lower social status, and her rather unfeminine tendency to make witty and sometimes highly critical remarks. Elizabeth does not fit the profile of the ideal gentlewoman of this time. In similar ways, Mr. Darcy defies the definition of a gentleman, at least in the eyes of the young women he encounters in polite English society. He possesses some of the attributes of a romantic hero, such as good looks and great wealth, but his manners leave something to be desired, and he does not go along with all of the social niceties of dancing and visiting which most ladies expect of him. The story of Elizabeth and Mr. Darcys gradual acquaintance is a motif that is often used by Austen and represents the common novelists fantasy of a poor girl who meets, and after a series of vicissitudes marries, the rich young man (Butler, 2001, p. 139). The twists and turns of love and hate which Elizabeth and Mr. Darcy experience are the necessary preamble to an ultimately happy ending. In Austens skilled and often ironic narrative, the reader is pushed and pulled into viewing different facets of both characters, appreciating their faults as well as their virtues, and developing a growing awareness of their mutual attraction. It is made clear by both characters that in fact they are romantically attracted to each other. Darcy declares his position in the middle of the novel when he boldly tells Elizabeth You must allow me to tell you how ardently I admire and love you (Austen, 1918, p. 195) while Elizabeth at the end of the novel assures her father about her feelings for Mr. Darcy: I do, I do like him, she replied, with tears in her eyes; I love him. (Austen, 1918, p. 389). In the end, when the marriage is finally agreed, and the two are set to launch into a lifetime of happiness together, a final word is left to Mr. Bennet, who writes to Mr. Collins, firing off a comic opposite to the earlier letter received from Mr. Collins, with the words: I must trouble you once more for congratulations. Elizabeth will soon be the wife of Mr. Darcy. Console Lady Catherine as well as you can. But, if I were you, I would stand by the nephew. He has more to give (Austen, 1919, p. 395). According to Newman (1983), this letter is an attempt by the Jane Austen to distance herself from the cliched ending of the romantic novel and to insert a little comedic irony. Mr. Bennet is poking fun at the miscalculations of Mr Collins, including his earlier condemnation of the Bennet family and his affectation in cultivating a connection with Lady Catherine. The affiliation of the Bennet family with Mr. Darcy removes the familys financial and reputational difficulties in one fell swoop. As it happens, Lydia and Mr. Wickham also escape the dire fate predicted by Mr. Collins, which all goes to prove that the merciless rules and restrictions of polite Christian society do not always end in the outcomes predicted by their most fanatical supporters. Courtship is a seductive, often illusory process with uncertain results (Hinnant, 2006). Spinsters, bachelors, widows and widowers Although Pride and Prejudice revolves mainly around the progress of various love and marriage relationships there are a number of other characters who are presented in isolation, and without an obvious partner. Two of the younger Bennet sisters, Mary and Kitty, fall into this category but the author presents their prospects very differently, Mary is described in terms of qualities which more usually would be used to refer to a man since she is fond of books, and of strict moralising. Distant cousins, uncles, and widows are presented as outsiders, apart from the interesting mainstream of society where the machinations over love and marriage preoccupy all of the women and most of the men. Jane Austen criticises some of the silliness that goes on in the centre of upper class society but she does not go so far as to recommend these isolated positions for any of her main characters. Only the stern and awkward sister Mary seems destined for this fate, and her role in the novel seems to be to act as a foil for Elizabeth. Without Elizabeths charm and wit, Mary will be left in the dreaded role of spinster, always looking on while others enjoy the benefits of marriage, and if they are lucky, also of romantic love. Conclusion This brief essay has shown that Jane Austen presents a witty and varied range of opinions on love and marriage in the early nineteenth century. The men have by far the greater range of choices, while younger women must remain constrained in mostly female company, awaiting rare opportunities to encounter eligible young men. The fact that the women are so easily interchangeable in the eyes of men, and so often resigned to their fate, highlights their role as little more than items of property in this patriarchal society. Each of the types of marriage outlined above are presented as viable choices for the Bennet sisters. The novels focus on Elizabeth, however, and the more interesting and nuanced path toward marriage that she travels, suggests that this alliance of two highly intelligent and moderately rebellious characters may well represent the ideal marriage from a nineteenth century upper class perspective. The novel plays with stereotypes in the minor characters, and stretches the limits of acceptable masculinity and femininity in the two main characters. Thus the novel challenges some, but not all, of the prejudices of the time and leaves the reader with a detailed and nuanced overview of love and marriage in this period. References Austen, J. (1918) [1813] Pride and Prejudice. New York: Scribner. Butler, M. (2001) The Juvenilia and Northanger Abbey. In S. Regan (Ed.), The Nineteenth-Century Novel: A Critical Reader. London: Routledge, pp. 136-143. Deresiewicz, W. (1997) Community and Cognition in Pride and Prejudice. ELH 64 (2), pp. 503-535. Downie, J. A. (2006) Who Says Shes a Bourgeois Writer? Reconsidering the Social and Political Contexts of Jane Austens Novels. Eighteenth Century Studies 40 (1), pp. 69-84. Greenfield, S. C. (2002) Mothering Daughters: Novels and the Politics of Family Romance, Frances Burney to Jane Austen. Detroit, MI: Wayne State University Press. Hinnant, C. H. (2006) Jane Austens Wild Imagination: Romance and the Courtship Plot in the Six Canonical Novels. Narrative 14 (3), pp. 294-310. Howells, W. D. (1918) Introduction to Pride And Prejudice. New York: Scribner. Le Faye, D. (2002) Jane Austen: The World of Her Novels. London: Frances Lincoln. Macpherson, S. (2003) Rent to Own: or, Whats Entailed in Pride and Prejudice. Representations 82 (1), pp. 1-23. Tuite, C. (2002) Romantic Austen: Sexual Politics and the Literary Canon. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Weinsheimer, J. (1972) Chance and the hierarchy of marriages in Pride and Prejudice. ELH 39 (3), pp. 404-419. Zimmerman, E. (1968) Pride and Prejudice in Pride and Prejudice. Nineteenth-Century Fiction 23 (1), pp. 64-73.

Bungee Jumping :: essays research papers

Bungee Jumping Bungee jumping is a sport that has dramatically evolved over the past couple decades. Bungee jumping has evolved into a sport of art and thrill. As a tribal tradition, the ritual was soon incorporated with a bungee cord. Bungee jumping spread rapidly throughout the world, ever-growing in popularity. Detailed designs and engineering have helped to take bungee jumping to all new limits. An array of prices depicts a variety of heights, harnesses, and locations of sites. Bungee jumping offers many diverse medical advantages. New innovations in the bungee field have led to all new rides and adventures. Bungee jumping is a sport that enables a person to prove something to themselves, regardless of age, sex, religion, or race. Bungee jumping is based on an age-old ritual practiced by the â€Å"land divers† of Pentecost island in the South Pacific archipelago of Vanuatu. Young men proved their courage by plummeting off giant towers. Every spring villagers there collect liana vines and wind them into long cords. The men then scale six story wooden towers, attach the vines around their ankles and jump. A successful leap is considered a demonstration of courage. In 1979, a bungee cord was incorporated with this tribal ritual. Members of the Oxford University's Dangerous Sports Club read about and designed a safe form of the practice. Atop the Golden Gate Bridge, dressed in tuxedos and top hats, the first form of bungee jumping came to existence. In 1987, bungee jumping moved to the American commercial scene. Two brothers, John and Peter Kockelman, began jumping from bridges over river gorges in the Sierras. Recognizing the sport's commercial potential, they opened Bungee Adventures in 1988. Bungee jumping spread rapidly throughout the world, ever-growing in popularity. Bungee jumping became national crazes in many areas. After the use of a bungee cord was thought of, the idea first spread through New Zealand. From here, Australia and France soon caught on and joined the sport. This new hobby, predominantly known and practiced only by skydivers, rock climbers, and other extremists caught the world's attention and spread like a wild fire. In America, bungee jumping was also proving popular. The first commercial bungee business began thirty minutes outside San Diego, CA. Commercial sites in Colorado and Utah soon began to pop up. Expansions of these businesses now help to cover almost every western state. Bungee Jumping's popularity has helped it to become an officially recognized sport. National Freestlye Bungee Championships are held each year and are broadcasted on a number of channels including â€Å"ESPN 2." Detailed designs and engineering have helped to take bungee jumping to

Price Control

Price Controls Econ 360-002 Sonia Parsa [email  protected] edu G00509808 Word Count: 1540 Abstract This paper examines how, in the United States, the government imposes several forms of taxes and price controls and how all individuals are required to pay direct and indirect taxes. It looks at how the approach of taxation and how the constraints of taxation on goods and price controls affect the U. S. economy. Introduction Regulations have played a huge role in the political and economic world for centuries. There are various different types of regulation. One regulation that the government imposes under its tax policy is price control, which is not considered to be voluntary. Price control can play two different roles, a price ceiling or a price floor. A price ceiling is the maximum price that can be charged in the market for a certain good, causing shortages, and a price floor is the minimum price that can be charged in the market, which then causes surpluses. Measures are usually taken by a government under its regulatory policy to control wages and prices in an attempt to check cost-push inflation and wage-push inflation[1]. However, these policies never help the economy. Instead, it worsens the situation. Governments also impose price controls as an indirect mechanism for taxation. The most well-known price controls enforced by the United States government today are: the policy of minimum wage, rent control, and oil price control. Having enforced price controls generate opportunities for economy failure, i. e. shortages and surpluses, as well as opportunities within the black market, and international arbitrage. The Economic Philosophy When a price control is forced by the government, it’s usually imposed to help or protect particular parts of the population which would be treated inequitably by the unfettered price system. But one must wonder which part of the population, the consumers or the producers? Is it not true that the consumers always feel as if the prices of a good are much higher than their actual value, while producers always feel as if the prices are too low? Price controls are usually justified as a way to help consumers, but whether they actually do is open to debate. Imposed price controls by the government are not only an absolute disaster, but have resulted in dislocating many economies in the past. The key is to recognize that when governments impose price controls; it does not only affect their nation, but also affects parallel imports with their trade partners because of a price â€Å"discrimination,† in regards to tariffs. The Economic Logic The effect of taxation and price controls on the economy vary from the decrease of the supply of goods to an increase in costs and can be demonstrated by a supply-demand analysis (Figure 1). In a free market, the equilibrium selling prices are shown by an upward sloping supply curve (S) with respect to price. The maximum buying prices on the part of the consumer is then shown by a downward sloping demand curve (D) with respect to price. After a quantity of a good is acquired by a consumer, the less important the desire is than before. Therefore, the supplier has to lower the price for each unit as it is sold. Where the supply and demand curve intersects at the margin is called the equilibrium price. In a maximum price control, a deadweight loss occurs in the triangle of a, b, c. pic] For example, when there is a tax imposed on a good like tobacco, there is an increase in the price of the product. This is called minimum price control and the price is not legally allowed to fall below the minimum. This shifts the supply curve of the product to the left. In other words, there are fewer goods available at the same prices than there were before. There is then a decline in the quantity demanded and a new equilibrium between demand and supply is reached. On the other hand when price controls are imposed there is an artificial decline in the prices. At the lower prices, a higher quantity is demanded but the production is insufficient to fulfill that demand and causes a shortage. We can also use the supply-demand analysis to dissect the labor market when a wage-control is placed by the government (shown in Figure 2). By establishing a minimum-wage law, it mandates a price floor above the equilibrium wage; therefore, the rate of unemployment among unskilled workers increases. When wages increase, a greater number of workers are willing to work while only a small number of jobs will be available at the higher wage. Companies can be more selective in whom they choose to employ causing the least skilled and inexperience to be excluded. [pic] Figure 2 assumes that workers are willing to work for more hours if paid a higher wage. We graph this relationship with the wage on the vertical axis and the quantity of workers on the horizontal axis. Combining the demand and supply curves for labor allows us to examine the effect of the minimum wage. We will start by assuming that the supply and demand curves for labor will not change as a result of raising the minimum wage. This assumption has been questioned. If no minimum wage is in place, workers and employers will continue to adjust the quantity of labor supplied according to price until the quantity of labor demanded is equal to the quantity of labor supplied, reaching equilibrium price, where the supply and demand curves intersect. Evidence- Minimum Wage Basic theory says that raising the minimum wage, which is a type of price-control, helps workers whose wages are raised, and hurts people who are not hired because companies cut back on employment. The very first federal minimum wage laws were imposed under the National Recovery Administration. The National Industrial Recovery Act, which became law on June 16, 1933, established industrial minimum wages for 515 classes of labor. Over 90 percent of the minimum wages were set at between 30 and 40 cents per hour. [2] C. F. Roos, who was the director of research at the NRA at that time, estimated that â€Å"by reason of the minimum wage provisions of the codes, about 500,000 Negro workers were on relief in 1934. † Roos added that â€Å"a minimum wage definitely causes the displacement of the young, inexperienced worker and the old worker. [3] By imposing minimum wage rate, free contract in the labor market is shattered. A firm is no longer allowed to pay below the minimum and the laborer cannot accept anything below the minimum that has been set as well. The free-market allows inexperienced workers to obtain entry-level positions, which gives them on the job training, by working for less. With the imposed wage-control, if the monetary compensation falls below minimum, th e trade-off becomes illegal which is a direct violation of a workers liberty to free contract. Thomas Rustici, in his book about minimum wage, makes an excellent point when he states: â€Å"In virtually every case it was found that the net employment effects and labor-force participation rates were negatively related to changes in the minimum wage. In the face of 50 years of evidence, the question is no longer if the minimum wage law creates unemployment, but how much current or future increases in the minimum wage will adversely affect the labor market? †[4] For years we have witnessed the effects of what minimum wages execute, yet we continue to conduct the same mistakes. Conclusion Obligatory price controls by the government are not only an absolute disaster, but have resulted in dislocating many economies all over the world for thousands of years[5]. As economic history has shown us, price controls being effective in a free competitive market are very rare. We either experience shortages or surpluses as a result. Who wins and who loses with an imposed price control? Setting a price control in one country affects other countries around it as well due to parallel imports and personal trafficking. Prices are not just numbers to a free competitive market; they are the expression of the value the supplier sets, no matter how subjective it may be. To regulate or to impose a price control, like any form of regulation, is unconstitutional. In some cases, it either violates the 5th amendment and/or 14th amendment. Price controls, wage controls, and money controls are really people controls. Regimentation at its worst- that is what a socialist dictatorship is all about. I believe that the free market has its own way of equalizing the economy and when the government interferes and sets price ceiling or price floor, it causes a chaos within our economy. Regardless if it results in a dead weight loss or a shortage, the consequences can sometimes be more destructive in the long run. Even if a government believes that price controls are set and affect only their country, it does not; it affects every nation that does any trade with them, exports or imports. The appeal of price controls is understandable. Even though they fail to protect many consumers and hurt others, controls hold out the promise of protecting groups that are particularly hard-pressed to meet price increases. However, when the government has proposed a control, there is a lag in time, causing an economy to become more impaired. References Barfield, C. E. and Groombridge, M. A. â€Å"The Economic Case for Copyright and Owner Control over Parallel Imports. † Journal of World Intellectual Property, Vol. 1 (1998), pp. 903-939 Benjamin M. Anderson, Economics and the Public Welfare: A Financial and Economic History of the United States, 1914-1946 (Indianapolis: Liberty Press, 1979), p. 36. Cambridge Pharma Consultancy. Pricing and Reimbursement Review 2003. Cambridge, UK: IMS Health-Management Consulting, 2004. â€Å"Gas Fever: Happiness Is a Full Tank. † Times Magazine 18 Feb. 1974. 19 June 2009 . Grossman, Gene M. , and Edwin L-C Lai. â€Å"Parallel imports and price controls. † RAND Journal of Econ omics 2nd ser. 39 (2008): 378-402. Princeton. Web. 8 Dec. 2009. . Richard M. Alson, J. R. Kearl, and Michael B. Vaughan, â€Å"Is There a Consensus Among Economists in the 1990’s? † American Economic Review 82, no. 2 (1992): 203–209. Rustici, Thomas. â€Å"Public Choice View of Minimum Wage†. Cato Journal, 5. 1) Spring/Summer 1985: 114. ISSN: 0273-3072 Steenhuysen, Julie. â€Å"Drug price controls may shorten lives: report | Reuters. † Business & Financial News, Breaking US & International News | Reuters. com. 16 Dec. 2008. Web. 8 Dec. 2009. . The Power of Oil: The Arab Oil Weapon and the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Canada, Japan, and the United States Roy Licklider International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 32, No. 2 (Jun. , 1988), pp. 214 ———————– [1] Grossman, Gene M. , and Edwin L-C Lai. â€Å"Parallel imports and price controls. † RAND Journal of Economics 2nd ser. 39 (2008): 378-4 02. Princeton. Web. 8 Dec. 009. . [2] Leverett Lyon, et al. The National Recovery Administration: An Analysis and Appraisal (New York: Da Capo Press, 1972). pp. 318-19. [3] Benjamin M. Anderson, Economics and the Public Welfare: A Financial and Economic History of the United States, 1914-1946 (Indianapolis: Liberty Press, 1979), p. 336. [4] Rustici, Thomas. â€Å"Public Choice View of Minimum Wage†. Cato Journal, 5. (1) Spring/Summer 1985: 105. ISSN: 0273-3072 [5] Barfield, C. E. and Groombridge, M. A. â€Å"The Economic Case for Copyright and Owner Control over Parallel Imports. † Journal of World Intellectual Property, Vol. 1 (1998), pp. 903-939

Dirk Van der Elst’s “Culture as Given, Culture as Choice” Essay

In this text, anthropologists Dirk Van Der Elst and Paul Bohanan discuss the concept of multiculturalism. The text states that an entirely different view of culture is needed in the intellectual discourse of society. Elst analyzes culture using the example of analyzing sex. Elst makes it clear in his analysis that pluralities of identity are the norm, that everyone is multi-ethnic and multi-racial in some fashion Even when discussing the contemporary mainstream political debate over what constitutes ‘multiculturalism,’ it is common cultural phrasing to view culture as a stagnant unit. Multiculturalism is defined in this text as the manner in which more cultures are incorporated into the framework of the dominant discourse., rather than being a way of deconstructing notions of how culture itself is perceived and misperceived.. Elst suggests that nothing really exists as ‘culture,’ instead culture itself is a â€Å"constructed, socially produced norm.† After reading this book I got the feeling that the authors purpose was mainly to advise each individual to study and redefine his own culture. So with that said, I dug down deep and asked myself, what does culture mean to me? And how does culture influence my person, political and social life? The book says that culture means â€Å"everything that human beings have created and transmitted socially across time and space (32).† He also states on page 33 that people are said to â€Å"carry† culture, to bear it from one person or generation to another.† My parents passed their culture on to me, and I will do the same for my children. I was raised a Roman Catholic, and in my family, our heritage plays a huge part. My Irish culture gives me a sense of pride. My parents started me in step dancing when I was five and I loved it. Saint Patty’s Day is bigger than Christmas in my family. We like to talk, we like to tell stories, and we like to drink, of course. But as much as I identify myself with being an American, a woman, a twenty something, elementary education major at Rowan University, or even a Catholic, I  identify with being Irish more. Like I said, I grew up in my heritage, much in the same way many people may have grown up in theirs. My culture has always been a big part of my personal life, but I never really paid much attention as to how it affected my political and social life. As far as my social life goes, I do not associate only with other Irish people. I have a very culturally diverse group of friends. I think that this also adds to who I am. I consider myself to be well rounded and open to many things and ideas. However, my fiancà © is an Irish catholic, and when I think about it, most of my exes were Irish Catholics too. I couldn’t tell you if I choose a partner consciously or not. It could be due to the fact that we have common interests, like drinking. Politics does not interest me at all. So with that said, at this moment my culture does not affect my political life because I don’t have one. Perhaps what is most unique about this book is that it moves cultural anthropology from being this subject of strange behavior that is out there by others and makes it close and personal by repeatedly challenging the reader to use anthropology to identify with and appreciate ones self and ones own choices. It is a clear statement of why people should study anthropology. Mainly, in my own opinion, it makes you think and that is what is most important when you read.